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Country Profiles - Central African Republic

Political, social and economic framework

THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC (CAR) is a landlocked country in the centre of the African continent. Its population of 3.4 million is spread over 623,000 square kilometres, 70% of which live in remote and isolated areas. With a per capita GNP of US$ 320 and life expectancy of 49 years,1 CAR is one of the poorest countries in the region. Only the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has a lower per capita GNP but, in spite of being a country at war, its inhabitants can expect to live a few years longer on average than their counterparts in CAR.

CAR gained independence from France in 1960, but the country’s first multi-party elections did not take place until 1993, over 30 years later. In the meantime, dictators ruled, including one of the cruellest of the continent, Colonel Jean-Bedel Bokassa, who was in power from 1966 to 1979. Democratic elections, however, have not ensured political stability. In 1996, three military-led mutinies caused widespread damage in the capital, Bangui. In spite of mediation by other countries, the United Nations and the establishment in 1997 of the Bangui Accords between the CAR government and the mutineers,2 political instability continued. The UN peacekeeping forces, which entered the country in April 1998, were withdrawn in February 2000. According to the CAR government, "peace … remains fragile, poverty is widespread and basic social services have steadily deteriorated".3

The government is trying to meet the conditions for debt relief under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC), but it is not certain that they will qualify, despite a total debt stock of US$ 928 million and a debt-to-exports ratio of 455%.4 Subsistence agriculture is the backbone of the country’s economy. Diamonds are the primary source of export revenue, but they are regularly smuggled out of the country, depriving the government of tax revenues.5 Timber is the second most important source of export revenue and seems likely to become more significant. Even though CAR’s economy deteriorated in 2000, partly as a result of disrupted oil imports because of the war in neighbouring DRC, timber exports increased, and the government is forecasting yet more growth in 2001.6 The forestry sector is the top private employer in the country, having 3,500 people on its payroll in 1999.7 Timber exports, however, do not appear to have contributed to higher living standards and forestry companies operating in the country have a record of undermining traditional social structures in the areas where they operate.

Forest policy and practice

Compared to the other countries in the Congo region, CAR has a relatively small area of forest — around five million hectares — corresponding to 8% of the country’s territory.8 Yet in terms of commercially valuable species,such as Sapelli, Ayous and Sipo, its forests are some of the richest in Africa.9 Moreover, from an ecological perspective, they represent a crossroads where the bio-geographic areas of Central Africa meet.10

The timber industry in CAR is the smallest, by volume, in the Congo Basin but still accounts for 16% of the country’s export earnings. The export of timber is hampered by transport, CAR being landlocked, which often adds 60% to the costs of production.11 Timber is either sent by river and rail via Brazzaville to Pointe Noire in neighbouring Congo (Brazzaville), or by road to Douala in Cameroon. The Cameroonian route accounts for most traffic today because of railway difficulties in Congo (Brazzaville).

The country’s forests grow in two distinct areas:12

§ In the south-west, in the regions of Sangha and Lobaye, forests cover an area of 3.7 million hectares.13 Most logging concessions are located in this area, especially along the borders with Cameroon and Congo. This area is also where most of the diamond mining takes place;

§ In the east, in the Bangassou area, forests cover an estimated 1.2 million hectares. This region is very isolated, and little is known about its forests. They are not being exploited commercially because of transport difficulties.

Forest concessions and other forestry matters are governed by the Forestry Code of 9 June 199014 and by some articles of the 1995 Finance Law.15 Despite some good provisions, the ministry responsible for forests, the Ministère de l’Environnement, des Eaux, Forêts, Chasses et Pêches, lacks the resources to monitor and enforce legislation properly and planning is weak. The roles and rights of private enterprises and local communities are poorly defined.16

According to 1997 Ministry data, 2.5 million hectares of the forests in the south-west were allocated to nine industrial permit holders, covering 68% of the forests of the Sangha and Lobaye regions (see map, p.36).17 Data from the Ministry obtained in the year 2000 indicate that the total area under concession in the south-west has now risen to 3.2 million hectares, or 86% of the region.18

Concessions are not granted for a specific number of years but for unlimited duration. Although companies do not own the areas they log, their lifelong rights allow them to obtain bank credit and to receive compensation if their rights are cancelled without reason.19

Efforts to ensure that logs are mainly processed in the country have been intensified over the last few years. The 1990 Forestry Code established that companies must implement a wood-processing unit and process 60% or more of their production from their third year onwards.20 The 1995 Finance Law, however, established that logging companies had to transform at least 85% of the logs into timber within CAR. A 1996 Finance Law goes further, prohibiting exports of raw logs unless companies comply with several requirements, such as making investments in the country of US$4 million in two years and contributing to social initiatives.21 There are also tax incentives to process timber in the country: log exports are taxed at 20% but processed timber exports at 10%.22 Despite the legislation, however, log exports continue to dominate the sector.

The government has stepped up measures to curb mislabelling of wood (from threatened species) and excessive cutting.23 But it appears unable to make more than a token gesture because of a lack of financial and human resources, although the recent appointment of the Swiss-based monitoring company SGS to monitor exports may help. Increased revenues from export taxation are expected to pay for the hiring of this private company.24



The ministry responsible for forests lacks the resources to monitor and enforce legislation properly and planning is weak. The roles and rights of private enterprises and local communities are poorly defined.

Production and EU trade

Total log production in CAR has increased significantly during the 1990s and is set to continue rising in line with structural adjustment policies. In 1993, total log production was 167,700 cubic metres and in 1999 it reached 552,800 cubic metres. The majority of exports still consist of logs rather than processed timber. In 1993, 43,400 cubic metres of logs and 33,800 cubic metres of sawn wood were exported. In 1999, 153,700 cubic metres of logs and 64,000 cubic metres of sawn wood were exported, a rise of 31% and a drop of 11% respectively on 1998 figures.25 Most of the wood exported comes to the EU.26 Export and import statistics, however, vary according to different sources, and this can be an indication of illegal trading in timber.27

International financial assistance

There are serious concerns about the misuse of international financial assistance in the country. In May 2000, an article in the CAR press suggested that providing aid to the government was a crime against the CAR people. The author was later arrested and charged with "insulting the head of the state", provoking a strong reaction from two worldwide press associations.28

France is the largest bilateral donor to CAR; it pays the greater part of the government expenses, including civil service salaries.29 The second largest donor is Japan, whose official assistance to the CAR averaged US$ 20 million during the period 1996 to 1998.30

In the 1980s, the French government, via the African Development Bank, funded the construction of a road by French contractors in the south-western part of the country,31 which facilitated the entry of logging companies, poachers and bushmeat hunters into the forest. After the road’s completion in June 1989, an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) was conducted on its potential extension to the capital, Bangui. It concluded that the road might as well be extended because "the damage had already been done".32

The EU forest conservation and sustainable development programme, ECOFAC, has a project in the south-west forest of Ngotto. Covering 825,000 hectares, this forest harbours over 115 mammal species and over 320 bird species. ECOFAC support in CAR includes a pilot sustainable forest management project in cooperation with a private logging company, IFB (Industrielle Forestière de Batalimo), which was granted two concessions known as Permis d’Exploitation et d’Aménagement (PEA), one in 1994 and the other in 1996. According to a 1999 ECOFAC assessment of the partnership, the company has complied with all the national rules governing sustainable forestry in the area.33

Environmental impacts

Because of transportation difficulties and substantial costs, logging in CAR is highly selective. Only the most valuable trees are sought. But this selective targeting leads to large areas of forest being opened up as companies go deeper into the forest in search of the best timber. Sapelli, Ayous and Sipo are the main species logged but, because of the damage caused to surrounding trees, some estimates suggest that selective logging in fact damages as much as 30% of the forest in CAR.34 Once loggers leave the area, poachers and settlers come in on the roads built by logging companies. In the western area of the country, most roads have been built by loggers to serve their interests rather than those of the local people. Roads between CAR and Cameroon, for example, run near concessions held by the company Thanry in both countries.35 Poaching has had a considerable impact on the fauna of CAR. In the Lobaye region where logging and mining are concentrated, little wildlife is left, especially along the Berberati/Bayanga road.36

Social impacts

Logging companies come and go but their social impacts are not so transient. Information about the social consequences of logging in the area around Bayanga in the south west of CAR is typical.37

Most people working for the logging companies which operate around Bayanga come originally from outside the area, including the Savannah region in the north and from neighbouring Congo (Brazzaville). The majority stay in the area even in the months or years when one company has stopped logging but another has not yet taken over the concession. Many work in the diamond mines during these periods or go hunting.38

Logging employs just some of those who have immigrated into the area and has given them work for only three years in the last 10 when the concession was functioning. During the years when the logging concession was not worked, diamond mining and agriculture increased, as did competition for resources, for example, fish in the streams. This has heightened stress and led to conflict between groups of people. The Bayaka Pygmies are often particularly adversely affected.39

To work in logging, people live in much larger villages, although many of them, including the Bayaka, are not used to living together in such large numbers. The result has been a marked rise in health and social problems related to a lack of sanitation, infectious diseases, alcoholism and a lack of social cohesion. Alcohol is more readily available in the villages than in the smaller Bayaka hunting camps. The Bayaka have become more indebted to the villagers, although in the larger villages the Bayaka have more choice with whom to trade. Larger villages have also led to a rise in literacy and some health care since schools and clinics are more available.40 Access to health care and education, however, is not always equitable between groups.

Roads have allowed those who do not know the forest to go into it. They have taken to killing and selling bushmeat; as a result, there are fewer game animals in the forest, particularly fewer duikers (a kind of deer) and monkeys. This in turn has led to conflict within Bayaka Pygmy communities and conflict between Bayaka and incomers. Incoming trappers accuse the Bayaka who live in hunting camps of stealing animals from their snares — the Bayaka usually hunt with nets — accusations that have led to the Bayaka being jailed, beaten or killed.41 Logging also destroys the Sapelli and Ayous trees where kinin caterpillars live, an important food source for local people.42 The Bayaka are losing many of their forest skills, including traditional hunting techniques that require time and commitment to master; training opportunities in such skills are also being lost.43

Companies logging the forests of the Central African Republic

European companies and capital have dominated the forestry sector in CAR. The recent arrival of WTK of Malaysia has marked a change from this pattern, although SESAM, the company WTK acquired in the late 1990s, retains some French capital. Concessionaires have changed since 1997, when the map (see page 36) and accompanying concession data (see Appendix) was produced, and the area under concession has increased. Table 3 shows the most recent data available on concessionaires.